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How Democracies Die

It’s always darkest just before … it turns totally black. We can’t say we weren’t warned.

John Adams wrote, “Remember, democracy never lasts long. It soon wastes, exhausts, and murders itself. There never was a democracy yet that did not commit suicide.”

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In his Farewell Address in 1796, Washington said, “The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty [emphasis added].”

Franklin Delano Roosevelt told the nation, “The liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it comes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is fascism ‑ ownership of government by an individual, by a group [emphasis added].”

Or as journalist and cultural critic H.L. Mencken wrote, “As democracy is perfected, the office of the president represents more and more closely the inner soul of the people, on some great and glorious day, the plain folks of the land will reach their heart’s desire, at last, and a downright fool and complete narcissistic moron will occupy the White House.”

In their book “How Democracies Die,” political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt offer a sobering analysis of the gradual erosion of democratic systems. Sometimes, a democracy dies quickly – a coup brings down the government, or a march on the capital leads to a declaration of martial law – and the media is taken over.

More often, they argue, modern democracies die slowly from within, rather than through a sudden violent coup. They die at the hands of elected officials through the gradual erosion of political norms and institutions.  For Levitsky and Ziblatt, “democratic backsliding begins at the ballot box.” Would-be authoritarians often win elections on populist platforms and then gradually undermine democratic institutions.

By looking through history and recognizing patterns, Levitsky and Ziblatt identified markers of creeping authoritarianism and the threats to the checks and balances that are supposed to prevent the election of demagogues. The erosion of two key norms, mutual toleration (accepting political opponents’ right to govern) and institutional restraint (refraining from weaponizing institutional control) weaken democracy.

Trump clearly violates both norms. He has shown that he has no tolerance, not just for different ideas or opinions, but also for anyone who disagrees with him. He is incapable of discussing ideas; instead, he calls those who disagree with him childish names or ridicules them. He has made it clear that he believes it acceptable to weaponize the government against them because he considers them enemies.

Nothing could be more dangerous for a democracy than Trump’s attempt to silence the Associated Press. The first Amendment of the Constitution, Freedom of Religion, Speech, and the Press, clearly states that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press…”

There are other potential threats to American democracy: Constitutional hardballs, such as politicians who abandon norms for short-term partisan gains and would-be authoritarians who ignore the separation of powers, rule of law, and civil liberties and who reject fundamental democratic institutions by undermining the independent judiciary and a free press. Economic inequality, often the  result of global forces, also poses a significant threat to democratic stability; as does continued democratic backsliding into dysfunction and minority rule.

The authors emphasize that these threats often work together in a dangerous feedback loop, making it difficult to reverse the decline once it begins.

Trump understands that many Americans are dissatisfied with conventional leaders and institutions, and he knows how to exploit a widespread fear of national division and decline. He has shown all the characteristics of an autocrat. Like Hitler and Mussolini, he knows how to pose as the only effective bulwark against what he calls socialism. Could he become an autocrat?

Adolf Hitler’s rise to dictatorship in only 53 days is an alarming example of how a democracy can be undone. On January 30, 1933, Hitler was appointed Chancellor of Germany because of political maneuvering and the inability of other parties to form a stable government. On February 27, the German parliament building, the Reichstag, was set on fire. Hitler used this to convince President Hindenburg to issue the Reichstag Fire Decree, which suspended many civil liberties and allowed for the arrest of political opponents. On March 23, the Reichstag passed the Enabling Act, giving Hitler’s government the power to enact laws without consulting the Reichstag, effectively allowing Hitler to rule by decree. Over the following weeks, he systematically eliminated political opposition, banned trade unions, and took control of state governments. By the end of March, he had consolidated his power and established a totalitarian regime.

When Musk and Trump say they want to “move fast and break things,” do they mean our democracy? Trump has already referred to himself as a king and quoted a dictator in suggesting that he was immune from certain laws.

“It Can’t Happen Here” is a novel written by Sinclair Lewis, published in 1935. It’s a cautionary tale, a warning against the dangers of totalitarianism and the erosion of democratic institutions, as well as a dramatic portrayal of the ease with which authoritarian leaders can rise to power, even in a democratic society. It challenges the assumption that authoritarianism and the slow death of democracy could not happen in the United States. Instead, it shows that the American political system is not immune to such threats. Lewis reinforces the importance of vigilance in defending democratic institutions and the rule of law.

mark berg
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Mark Berg is a community activist in Adams County and a proud Liberal. His email address is MABerg175@Comcast.net.

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Gregory Bucher
Gregory Bucher
7 months ago

You can tell immediately by this article that the the person has no clue. In 1776 the people chose freedom and a few years later chose to establish a Republic. Allowing the government or the people to choose a democratic form of government that liberals want so they can do away with the people’s rights will definitely destroy this country or most likely start a revolution. That why liberals want to do away with the Right to bear Arms. Without this they don’t have the will or backbone to stand.

Phil wagner
Phil wagner
7 months ago

Can you hear the screams? The elected then self appointed arrogant kings and queens in Congress, yes both parties, do not give a damn about the people… So much buried graft and corruption, hiring of relatives and friends to ,”foundations” then budget lines so convoluted almost impossible to track and make public where the money goes. I served 2 tours in the Pentagon and one in the US army corps of engineers in DC. I know how government and their agencies bury money. I applaud DOGE! The ugly deep state is screaming.

william elliott
william elliott
7 months ago

Thank you Mark, for speaking of many things that so many are worried about, but will not speak out about…..do we have the courage to take back our democracy before it’s too late?

Lucinda Heller
Lucinda Heller
7 months ago

censorship is a mark of liberals and certainly was of the Biden administration.
I know you are a proud liberal. I am a conservative Christian and found myself reading your articles with all the same thoughts as I was just reading in your article posted here.

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